 |  | 
ARAB REFUGEES VERSUS JEWISH REFUGEES FROM ARAB COUNTRIES
H. MAVERIK
The following is well-known : One will not be able to change a
warped
mind... and, one cannot straighten a bent tree...
The Arabs by nature, are an incited/deluded lots from womb to maturity!
Apart
from the words of their Qur'an who orders them to kill the non
believers,
myths, chimeras and exaggerations are most of the information they get
from
their respective elders who in turn, have received it from their
elders...
This continuous hate generated at the crib will never end towards the
Jews
until THE TWO PEOPLES ARE SEPARATED FOREVER!
Now as far as the refugees is concerned… One has to understand that
the
existence of these refugees is a direct result of the Arab States'
opposition
to the partition plan of 1947 and the reconstitution of the State of
Israel.
The Arab states adopted this policy unanimously, and the responsibility
of
its results, therefore is theirs. There is no more apt expression than
this
on the origin of the Palestinian Arab refugee problem in 1948.
These are the words of Emil Ghory, secretary of the Arab High Council,
in an
interview published on 6 September 1948 in the Lebanese daily
Al-Telegraph,
soon after the events occurred and before this topic became an
important
theme of Arab propaganda…
The flight of Arabs from the territory allotted by the UN for the
Jewish
State began immediately after the General Assembly decision at the end
of
November 1947. This wave of emigration, which lasted several weeks,
comprised
some thirty thousand people, chiefly well-to-do-families.
They knew that a war was imminent; they didn't doubt that the Arab
armies
would quickly win a sweeping victory, and they wanted to be as far as
possible from the battlefield. The second wave of emigration came in
the
spring of 1948, after fighting had erupted between Arab irregulars and
Jewish
defense forces. This time the urban population was involved, and in
far
greater numbers - for example, some seventy thousand from Jaffa and
sixty
thousand from Haifa. An estimated total of over two hundred thousand
Arabs
emigrated in this wave, despite strenuous efforts of the Jews in
various
parts of the country to dissuade them from leaving. The Haifa Workers'
Council, for example, published, on 28 April 1948, the following plea:
"...our city flourished and developed for the good of both Jewish and
Arab
residents ... Do not destroy your homes with your own hands; do not
bring
tragedy upon yourselves by unnecessary evacuation and self-imposed
burdens.
By moving out you will be overtaken by poverty and humiliation. But in
this
city, yours and ours, Haifa, the gates are open for work, for life, and
for
peace, for you and your families." This appeal, however, and many
similar
ones, were of no avail. Most of the local Arab leaders had already
managed
to take flight, and directly or indirectly, they encouraged the
Palestinian
population from across the border to "temporarily" leave their homes.
But the largest wave of Arab refugees, three hundred thousand or more,
followed the massive Arab invasion of 15 May 1948, the day after
Israel's
declaration of independence. The large majority of these emigrants were
of
the poorer strata of the Arab population, both urban and rural, the
former
group including day laborers such as the thousands of port workers who
had
come to Palestine from Syria. John Bern Castle, chief assessor in the
mandatory government, in a report to the Conciliation Commission
(comprising
representatives of the United States, France, and Turkey) appointed by
the UN
in the fall of 1948, assessed the property abandoned by the refugees at
200
million pounds sterling -considerably less than the value of the
property the
nine hundred and fifty thousand Jewish refugees from Arab countries had
left
behind.
In a discussion of the Arab refugee problem in the UN Security Council
on 4
March 1949, the Soviet delegate virtually confirmed the words of the
secretary of the Arab High Council previously cited. He said:
"Statements
have been made on the Arab refugee question, but why should the State
of
Israel be blamed for the existence of that problem? When seeking to
determine responsibility for the existence of the problem of the Arab
refugees, we cannot fail to mention the outside forces ... They pursue
their
own selfish interests which have nothing in common either with the
cause of
peace and international security or with the interests of the Arab and
Jewish
peoples, and which only correspond to the aggressive designs of the
leading
circles of some states." The fact is that the Arab attack on Israel
created
two parallel refugee problems - one Arab and the other Jewish.
Analogous to the approximately four hundred and fifty to six hundred
thousand
Palestinian Arabs who fled in 1948 and found refuge in parts of
Arab-controlled Palestine and in various Arab countries was a somewhat
larger
number of Jews who emigrated from Arab countries to the Jewish State in
the
first years of its existence.
Thus the Middle East saw, at the end of the 1940s and the beginning of
the
1950s, what amounted to a population exchange between the Arabs who
left
Israel and the Jews who emigrated there from the various Arab
countries.
These two phenomena are bound together historically, politically, and
ethically, and we cannot deal with one problem (and its solution)
without the
other, although one of the problems has virtually been solved.
The Jewish refugees never received any compensation from the Arab
countries
they were forced to leave and which confiscated all their property when
they
fled. Nevertheless, their social and economic absorption in Israel is
a fait
accompli, since this absorption was the clear desire and goal of the
Jews of
Israel and their government. In theory and in practice, these
immigrants
were never treated as refugees but rather as fellow members of the same
people. With a sense of common national fate, rescue and assistance
were
extended to the immigrants, and the Jews of Israel granted the
newcomers the
same rights they themselves enjoyed. Such was not the attitude toward
the
Arab refugees from Israel in most of the Arab world.
Jordanian King Hussein described this attitude in an interview with an
Associated Press correspondent in January 1960: "Since 1948 Arab
leaders have
approached the Palestine problem in an irresponsible manner. They have
not
looked into the future. They have no plan or approach. They have used
the
Palestine people for selfish political purposes. This is ridiculous
and, I
could say, criminal."
Hussein is perhaps the only Arab leader who had the right to express
such
judgment. His artificial country, the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan
which is
in reality 77% of the "Mandate for Palestine", is the only one of the
Arab
states which not only granted the Palestinian refugees citizenship, but
also
absorbed them socially, economically, and politically, allowing them to
work
and become integrated into all aspects of the national life. The
attitude of
the other Arab states toward the Palestinian Arab refugees was, as
noted,
completely different. This attitude was succinctly described by Ralph
Galloway, a former head of the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine
Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), in Amman, capital of Jordan, in
August
1958: quote:-
"The Arab states do not want to solve the refugee problem. They want
to keep
it as open sore, as an affront to the United Nations and as a weapon
against
Israel. Arab leaders don't give a damn whether the refugees live or
die."
Unquote...
In a study of the refugee problems by the British writers Terrence
Prittie
and Bernard Dineen (The Double Exodus: A Study of Arab and Jewish
Refugees
in the Middle East), this aspect of the problem was summarized as
follows:
"In general, one can say that Arab governments regarded the destruction
of
the State of Israel as a more pressing matter than the welfare of the
Palestinian refugees. Palestinian bitterness and anger had to be kept
alive.
It was clear that this could ensuring that a great many Palestinians
Arabs
continued to live under sub-normal conditions, the victims of hunger
and
poverty, do best. No Arab Government preached this as a defined
policy; most
Arab Governments tacitly put it into practice."
|
|