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Barak Thwarts the Will of Israel's People

Why I'm sitting out this pointless election.



BY BENJAMIN NETANYAHU

Wall Street Journal - Op-Ed 29/12/2000

In recent days Ehud Barak has once again offered Yasser Arafat generous territorial concessions, hoping that a deal will bolster his chances in the upcoming prime ministerial election. But at best that election will return him to the same predicament he faced when he resigned two weeks ago--mired in an endless struggle for political survival with a parliament that does not support his policies.
Knowing full well that the Israeli people would elect a right-of-center Knesset and hoping that a law permitting only sitting members of Knesset to run in special elections for prime minister would block my return, Prime Minister Barak cynically resigned his office and then used all his power to thwart any attempt to disband Israel's parliament. If I learned anything from my three years in office, it is that the prime minister cannot act alone. Achieving his objectives requires the support of a strong and stable government, backed by a parliament that reflects the will of the Israeli people. That's why, though the Knesset did pass an amendment that would allow me to run for the premiership, I withdrew my candidacy. I will not stand as a candidate in elections that won't give Israel a new Knesset--that offer the winner the title of prime minister, but deny him the tools to effectively lead the country. Sadly, these pointless elections come at a time when the people of Israel do want real change. Yesterday's bus bombing in Tel Aviv was just the latest example that our current policies are not working. Indeed, since the recent Palestinian violence began nearly three months ago, my country has undergone a profound transformation. For 30 years, many Israelis convinced themselves that the obstacle to peace came not from without, but from within--that what stymied peace was not our enemies' intent to destroy us, but our own reluctance to compromise.



Today, many of those who hoped that we could end the conflict by giving up the lands liberated in the Six Day War now realize that what our neighbors want is far more than our return to the pre-1967 borders--something Mr. Barak is essentially offering again, and that Mr. Arafat already rejected at Camp David last summer. The Palestinian grievance is not with the borders of the Israel but with its very existence. The events of the last few months have revealed this truth to all who are not totally blinded by ideology. The Barak government was prepared to sacrifice the Jordan Valley, which gives Israel the strategic depth it needs to defend its eastern frontier. It was prepared to open the Pandora's box of a Palestinian "right of return" that could flood Israel with millions of refugees. And it was prepared to divide a Jerusalem that is the very heart and soul of the Jewish people. The response was an intifada of rocks, bullets, bombs and lynchings. While many view this sequence of events as a great paradox that defies logic, it is all too logical. When Israel negotiates from a position of>strength, our Arab neighbors are willing to compromise. When we negotiate from weakness, they harden their positions. When we tolerate terror, we are terrorized. When we fight terror, we are more secure. Imagine what would have happened if Mr. Arafat agreed to the concessions Mr. Barak was and is still prepared to make. Those who believe that we would have ended the conflict have never watched Palestinian television, listened to Palestinian radio or read Palestinian newspapers--all controlled by Mr. Arafat and mobilized by him to incite hatred against the Jews and their state. When I became prime minister four years ago, I took over a peace process that was marked by similar one-sided concessions and Palestinian terror. But by insisting on the principle of reciprocity, my government drastically reduced Palestinian terrorism and restored a sense of security to the people of Israel. While I made mistakes as prime minister, on the questions that are most important to the future of our country, I believe that my policies were the right ones. Today, according to polls, a clear majority of Israelis agree. They realize that there is no utopian solution to the problems we face; that a peace process based on wishful thinking and blind faith will only lead to more violence, more terrorism and even war; that we must concentrate our efforts in the next few years on achieving a "cold peace," with measured agreements anchored in security. Based firmly on the principles of reciprocity and deterrence, such a peace can bring a large measure of quiet to this nation until our enemies realize that the Jewish state will not buckle under their pressure.



The people of Israel also realize that in their quest to live in true peace with their neighbors, they stand on the right side of history. The forces of globalization and liberalization that are spreading across the globe have made Israel stronger and more prosperous with each passing year. And just as they have swept away dictatorships across the world, these same forces will sweep away the brutal dictators that are tyrannizing our region. When that day comes, when more nations in the Middle East are governed by ballots and not bullets, then hope for a warmer and more permanent peace will spring anew. Unfortunately, the coming election does not offer the Israeli public a real choice. But I have no doubt that such a choice will soon be given to them. When that day comes, I will again consider a return to public life. Not simply to be called "Mr. Prime Minister," but to act like one--to restore Israel's security and lead our nation toward a peace that reflects the realities of today and the possibilities of tomorrow.


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